Friday, December 2, 2016

The Role of Food Banks in Addressing Hunger in Latin America


Photo: Plataforma de Seguridad Alimentaria y Nutricional
By Sabrina Hernández
In recent years, Latin America has become a leader in the fight against hunger and has worked to formulate plans that aim to achieve lofty goals such as the eradication of hunger in the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC) region by 2025. We covered this  (NotiSur, May 30, 2014).

In a NotiSur article in February 2016, Johanna Marris wraps up her otherwise entirely optimistic synopsis of the progress made to reduce hunger rates in  half in Latin America with a pragmatic tone. She cautions, however, that all of the aforementioned progress in the region as well as future progress is largely dependent upon continued dedication from political leadership and the changing economic conditions.

Some organizations like the Plataforma de Seguridad Alimentaria y Nutricional (SAN) contend that Latin America produces enough food to feed the entire population of the region. "More than half of the agricultural imports in Latin America come from outside the region, illustrating the potential for trade in food and agriculture within the region," said (SAN). \

The question of global policies on agriculture are also very relevant for Latin America.  With the US and the world waiting for the dust to settle from a contentious presidential campaign--and an unforeseen victory by a candidate known to exploit fear and completely lacking in any prior political experience--one has to wonder what the future holds in regards to the glorious strides Latin America has made to tackle hunger in the region.

Setting aside concerns about the future of agricultural trade policies and the potential for a protectionist and punitive administration, countries in Latin America are doing what they can to try to feed people within their borders. In the Nov. issue of SourcMex, we published an article about the emergence of food banks in urban communities throughout Mexico. In this week’s blog post, I’d like to examine the role of  food banks  in several Latin American countries.

Nicaragua 
It might be especially useful to know what Nicaragua is doing to combat hunger within its borders. While the country is one of poorest in Central America, it is also one of the least violent.  The main food distribution efforts are led by Caritas Nicaragua, which operates under an Church-based ideology of servitude to the most vulnerable with society, specifically, children, seniors, sick, and families in extreme poverty. The food bank collects goods from private companies, businesses, and individuals. Donations are later organized and distributed to vulnerable people through community kitchens, hospitals, home visits, school, and rehabilitation centers. With a background in coffee importing, what is salient to me is that Caritas has locations established in the prominent coffee producing regions of the country – undoubtedly a much needed safety net when market volatility inevitably renders small, rural producers incapable of garnering a profit.

Guatemala
This is another coffee producing country that also finds its agrarian population subject to the fluctuations of a market over which it has no control, Banco de Alimentos de Guatemala is a private-sector civil association that works to obtain and distribute food donations to hungry communities in Guatemala.  The majority the donations the food banks receives comes from large corporations. Whether these corporations are acting out of genuine good will or seeking to rectify decades of egregious bad karma, Banco de Alimentos puts their donations to use by serving 56 organizations that represent 11 departments within the country. Through the delivery of groceries and other basic necessities to families, Banco de Alimentos serves 23,000 people monthly.

Dominican Republic 
With an estimated 15% of Dominicans suffering from some degree of hunger, Banco de Alimentos de la Republica Dominicana, founded in 1967, is a non-profit that is dedicated to alleviating hunger by making use of what, in other circumstances, might be considered food waste. El Banco collects and distributes large quantities of food in good condition that cannot be commercially sold for one reason or another. Their goals are two fold; to reduce waste and to reduce hunger.

Argentina 
The Argentine branch of Banco de Alimentos operates throughout the country and primarily works in collaboration with community kitchens. Through the connections with these 750 community kitchens, Banco de Alimentos estimates that some 100,000 people are served every year. The food bank also processed an estimated 4 million kilograms of food in 2015. Banco de Alimentos Argentina is able to serve such a large population because it is run by close to 7,000 volunteers.

Chile 
Banco Alimentos Chile is a nongovernmental organization that was founded in 2003. The goal of the food bank is to collect surplus food production and distribute it to organizations that work with poor and hungry populations at a local level. The food bank engages in a variety of food fundraisers including a race that brought in 1,300 kilos (2,866 lbs) of food that was distributed to different organizations that  benefit from Banco Alimentos Chile.

The stories are similar in other countries in Latin America.  Here are links to national or municipal food banks in the region.

Brazil Banco de Alimentos Brasil
Colombia Banco de Alimentos de Bogota
Costa RicaBanco de Alimentos de Costa Rica
Ecuador Banco de Alimentos de Quito
El Salvador Banco de Alimentos de El Salvador
HondurasBanco de Alimentos de Honduras
PanamaBanco de Alimentos de Panama
ParaguayBanco de Alimentos de Paraguay
Peru Banco de Alimentos de Peru
Uruguay Banco de Alimentos de Uruguay

Friday, November 18, 2016

Latin American Cities at the Forefront of Fight Against Climate Change



 By Sabrina Hernández
 
The Nov. 2 issue of SourceMex reported on the upcoming Mayors’ Global Climate Conference organized by the C40 Cities Climate Leadership Group on Nov. 30–Dec. 2 in Mexico City. This initiative supports other actions taken by some of Latin America’s biggest cities to curtail the effects of global climate change. Six large Latin American cities are involved in the Climate Adaptation Santiago (CAS) project. The CAS aims to gather information on the impact of climate change experienced in the six cities that participated in  workshops set up through the project. Below is information drawn from the CAS project on the climate changes experienced and the unique paths these cities will take to ameliorate the adverse manifestations of climate change within their borders.
 
Bogotá
In Bogotá, the most notable effect of climate change thus far has been the change in precipitation levels within the city and throughout the country as a whole. With a background in coffee, I can assert that in this, a country renowned for its production of specialty coffee, the change in water patterns dramatically impacts the viability of its historically prolific coffee production. With 90% of climate change impact related to hydroclimatological phenomena, the creation of a National Climate Change Adaptation Plan (PNACC) was initiated in 2012 in Bogotá. The goal of this initiative is to reduce the vulnerability of the population to the effects of climate change through promoting awareness and incorporation of climate risk management into future developments.



 Buenos Aires
The Argentine capital has experienced an increase in extreme precipitation, but a more prominent trend is the dramatic fluctuation of temperatures in recent decades, and records show an average temperature increase of 0.20 C per decade. At a national level, Argentina created the Federal Environment Council (Consejo Federal de Medio Ambiente, COFEMA) in 2010. The general objective is to identify, promote, and implement climate change adaptation measures. At a more local level, Buenos Aires implemented the Buenos Aires Plan of Action 2030 which is primarily concerned with mitigation of climate change given that larger government tendency to focus on large-scale infrastructure projects. These mitigation measures include things such as switching to low-energy light bulbs, small-scale tree planting, proposing greater energy efficiency in buildings, and prioritizing pedestrian, bicycle, and public transport oriented initiatives.

 Lima
A city noted for its desert climate, experiences very little rainfall and is prone to water shortage. Given the limited water reserves available to Lima, the observed trend of fewer cold days in conjunction with the a rising maximum temperature is alarming as it has translated to declining rainfall. Because Lima is prone to threats such as flooding and droughts, the primary focus of Limeño initiatives is adaptation to reduce vulnerability. In Peru, the Ministry of Environment (MINAM) is responsible for the creation of policies and plans that will address climate change and adaptation strategies. While Lima faces a great deal of obstacles -- limited financing, limited information on climate hazards, lack of inter-governmental collaboration -- the National Climate Change Strategy (Estrategia Nacional de Cambio Climático, ENCC) “aims to provide guidance and information on climate change for national, sectoral and regional development plans and projects.”



 Mexico City
The Mexican capital alternates between droughts and flooding and an increase and climate change has exacerbated the extremes experienced in the city. The changes make changes to city infrastructure increasingly more necessary as impacts have caused “the drying of the lake system, the loss of rivers and springs, and more intense and destructive rainfall.” In 2008, Mexico City created the Climate Action program (Proyecto de Adaptación al Cambio Climático, PACC) which established concrete goals and deadlines to be met for annual progress reports. Mexico City, a city notorious for its dangerously high levels of pollution, not only succeeded in meeting the stringent carbon reduction goal set forth by the PACC, but surpassed the goal by 10.2%, said the C40 website.

Santiago 
An increase in average temperatures and decrease in rainfall are the primary effects of climate change in Santiago. This decrease in rainfall, which allows for pollution to escape, has resulted in alarming levels of air pollution that even caused authorities to declare an environmental emergency. One initiative launched in 1998, the city’s Atmospheric Decontamination and Prevention Plan, aims to remove thousands of old buses and vehicles from the road in order to curb pollution. This plan also pushed to pave roads that sent dirt flying into the air as well as restricted open burning and implemented tighter control of industry emissions.

São Paulo 
Records show that São Paulo has experienced an increase in+ extreme precipitation. “The frequency of days with precipitation exceeding 300mm/day has increased by almost 40% in the decade of 2000-2009, compared to the decade of 1930-1940,” said a summary of a workshop related to this trend.  A related concern is the location of many homes in in areas  susceptible to landslides and floods. In 2009,  the São Paulo city council approved law 14.933 which aims to reduce city greenhouse gas emissions. Here is a comprehensive overview of the law. In 2015, Brazil, under former president Dilma Rousseff, announced a joint effort with the United States to address climate change and move toward the use of more renewable energy.

Friday, November 4, 2016

Yerba Mate: Argentina's Conversation Beverage

  “Mate is exactly the opposite of television. It makes you talk if you’re with someone and think when you’re alone. When someone comes to your house, the first thing you say is ‘hi’ followed by ‘should we drink a few mates?’
Photo: Wikimedia Commons
 By Sabrina Hernández

Yerba Mate, an infusion beverage touted as having the strength of coffee, the health benefits of tea, and the euphoria of chocolate, is a drink ubiquitous in Argentina and as of late, embroiled in controversy because of the labor law violations in the almost slave-like conditions workers are subjected to in its harvest and production. An article in the Oct. 7 edition of NotiSur drew new attention to labor law violations in Argentina and to the persistence of child labor in almost slave-like conditions, especially in rural areas.

The labor violations resonate with Argentine citizens in a way that other similar situations have not. This is perhaps because these violations are centered around yerba mate. It is important to understand that yerba mate is an inextricable part of Argentine culture.

Yerba mate and the gourds they are served in are as quintessentially Argentinian as soccer, gauchos, flamenco, and Pope Francis. Mate consumption is Argentina’s favorite pastime and is a social tradition that foments togetherness through the custom where a a group of people enjoy the same mate cup and filtered straw. The deeply entrenched aversion to “cooties” and thus, straw sharing, would inhibit this practice here in the United States.

Photo:  Sabrina Hernández
Yerba mate at a Mexican hostel
My own travel experiences have confirmed that Argentines are never being too far from their mate. Just this last April, I checked into a hostel in Puebla, Mexico, and upon arriving I was shown to my room where a woman was seated on the couch in the common area. She had in front of her a mate cup and straw. Without knowing anything about her, I made a very low risk gamble and began conversation by asking if she was from Argentina. “How did you know?” she responded, her genuine curiosity apparent. I told her that it was by her mate, of course, to which she smiled and asked if I wanted to share her mate.

Another example of the importance of yerba mate is the 2011 critically acclaimed Argentine drama film "Las Acacias" directed by Pablo Giorgelli.The film follows a lonely Argentine truck driver named Rubén,who has been taking the motorway from Asunción, Paraguay, to Buenos Aires, Argentina for years, carrying wood. Even though the movie focuses on the relationship between the trucker and a passenger, yerba mate becomes a powerful symbol. Throughout the film, the viewer sees Rubén sipping the mate, which he is able to prepare quickly with the water he keeps in a large thermos. In a film that accentuates the loneliness of Ruben’s daily life, his mate is personified as the only reprieve from his solitude.

 In a 2005 Radio Mitre interview, Lalo Mir captured the cultural significance of mate. “Mate is exactly the opposite of television. It makes you talk if you’re with someone and think when you’re alone. When someone comes to your house, the first thing you say is ‘hi’ followed by ‘should we drink a few mates?’ Keyboards in Argentina are full of little pieces of yerba mate. Mate is the only thing that every house has all the time. Always. Amidst inflation, when there´s hunger, under a military regime, with democracy, during whichever of our eternal curses we are suffering. If one day you run out of yerba mate, a neighbor will give you some. Nobody is ever denied mate.”

The campaign against child labor
It is this prominence and importance of mate that caused these labor violations to strike a chord among Argentines. An NGO, Un Sueño Para Misiones, is working to raise visibility and pressure the Argentine government to take action against the labor violations that are occurring in the harvesting of Argentina’s culturally ubiquitous yerba mate in Misiones. Here is a 30-minute documentary about the work of the NGO to combat child labor in the yerba mate fields.  The documentary is  entitled “Me Gusta el Mate Sin Trabajo Infantil. (I like it Without Child Labor)."

Friday, October 14, 2016

The World's Best Cross-Border Investigative Team

"Globalization and development have placed extraordinary pressures on human societies, posing unprecedented threats from polluting industries, transnational crime networks, rogue states, and the actions of powerful figures in business and government. The news media, hobbled by short attention spans and lack of resources, are even less of a match for those who would harm the public interest. Broadcast networks and major newspapers have closed foreign bureaus, cut travel budgets, and disbanded investigative teams. We are losing our eyes and ears around the world precisely when we need them most. Our aim is to bring journalists from different countries together in teams - eliminating rivalry and promoting collaboration. Together, we aim to be the world’s best cross-border investigative team. 
By Sabrina Hernández
The International Consortium of Investigative Journalists is a global network of more than 190 investigative journalists in more than 65 countries who collaborate on in-depth investigative stories. More than three dozen of those journalists work in Latin American countries, shedding light on matters of public interest that political and business leaders would rather not come to light. 

Founded in 1997 by the respected US journalist Chuck Lewis, ICIJ was launched as a project of the Center for Public Integrity , focusing on issues that do not stop at national frontiers: cross-border crime, corruption, and the accountability of power.  Supported by the center its computer-assisted reporting specialists, public records experts, fact-checkers and lawyers, ICIJ reporters and editors provide real-time resources and state-of-the-art tools and techniques to journalists around the world.”

ICIJ Image for Bahamas Secrets Coverage
The LADB News Service covered two recent investigations by the ICIJ involving the release of previously hidden documents suggesting that powerful individuals might have used tax havens in Panama and the Bahamas to avoid paying taxes to their own governments. We covered the Panama Papers case in SourceMex and NotiSur in April and May, and the Bahamas Leak case in SourceMex in September.  In both cases, the documents were released via the German newspaper Suddeutsche Zeitung,

The ICIJ functions as a collective set of eyes around the world in a time when media, “hobbled by short attention spans and lack of resources,” is inadequately positioned to take on those cross-national industries, networks, and powerful figures who harm public well-being. Since our coverage is focused on Latin America, we take this opportunity to recognize the journalists from the region who are participating in the ICIJ as part of the "cross-border investigative team."

Hugo Alconada Mon, Argentina, editor of newspaper La Nación
Daniel Santoro, Argentina, political editor at Argentina’s largest newspaper, Clarín
Ernesto Tenembaum, Argentina, managing editor of political magazine VEINTIUNO
Horacio Verbitsky, Argentina, political columnist/editorial writer at Página 12
Rosental Calmon Alves, Brazil, journalism professor at University of Texas at Austin
Angelina Nunes, Brazil, assistant editor at O Globo newspaper
Fernando Rodrigues, Brazil, news portal UOL
Marcelo Soares, Brazil, digital reporter at Folha de S.Paulo
Claudio Tognolli, Brazil, investigative reporter for Yahoo! Brazil
Monica Gonzalez, Chile, founder and executive director of Chile’s Centro de Investigacion Periodistica (CIPER)
Francisca Skoknic, Chile, editor CIPER 
Maria Cristina Caballero, Colombia, journalist known for her coverage of organized crime, corruption, and paramilitary forces
Map: Wikimedia Commons
Ignacio Gomez, Colombia, subdirector of Noticias Uno
Carlos Eduardo Huertas, Colombia, investigations editor at Semana magazine and founder of Consejo de Radaccion
Ginna Morelo, Colombia, investigative journalist, editor for El Tiempo’s Data Unit, and a professor of journalism and general coordinator for the Consejo de Redacción
Gerardo Reyes, United States/Colombia, investigations editor for Univisión
Maria Teresa Ronderos, Colombia, founder and editor-in-chief of VerdadAbierta.com
Ernesto Rivera, Costa Rica, staff writer for investigative unit at La Nación
Giannina Segnini, Costa Rica and United States, Director of the Master of Science Data Concentration Program at the Journalism School at Columbia University
Arturo Torres Ramirez, Ecuador, research editor at El Comercio
Carlos Dada, El Salvador, founder and director of the news website El Faro
Julio Godoy, France/Guatemala, lives in Paris and does daily reporting mostly for German radio stations after being forced to flee Guatemala because of government pressure to silence his investigative reporting
Paola Hurtado, Guatemala, chief of the investigative reporting team at ElPeriodico
Pedro Enrique Armendares, Mexico, executive director of Centro de Periodistas de Investigación
Alfredo Corchado, Mexico, is the Mexico Bureau Chief for The Dallas Morning News
Carlos Marín, Mexico, editorial director of Milenio
Alfredo Quijano Hernández, Mexico, was the chief of the special investigations unit and news editor of the newspaper El Norte de Ciudad Juarez until his unexpected death in December, 2013
Leonarda Reyes, Mexico, Executive Director of the Center for journalism and Public Ethics
Marcela Turati Muñoz, Mexico, reporter for the magazine Proceso
Alejandra Xanic von Bertrab Wilhelm, Mexico, freelance journalist
Carlos Fernando Chamorro, Nicaragua, founder and editor of Confidencial
Mabel Rehnfeldt, Paraguay, investigative reporter and editor of ABC Digital-ABC Color
Gustavo Gorriti, Peru, leads the investigative center at the IDL-Reporteros
Angel Paez, Peru, founder of Peru’s first investigative reporting team and has been working as director at La Repúbllica
Milagros Salazar, Peru, reporter with IDL-Reporteros
Emilia Diaz-Struck, Venezuela, lead researcher for ICIJ’s cross-border investigations
Joseph Poliszuk, Venezuela, editor of the site Armando.info
Carlos Subero, Venezuela, currently chief of the Editorial Committee of Telecaribe-Notiminuto

Friday, September 30, 2016

A Look at the 'Communitarian Nation of Moskitia'

The Miskitos, some 150,000 to 200,000 strong, share the region with several other indigenous groups, as well as English-speaking Afro-Nicaraguans and some Spanish-speaking mestizos. In general, the east is culturally opposed to the rest of the country: Creole English and indigenous languages are more widely spoken than Spanish, and Protestantism (with strong indigenous and African elements) is more widespread than Catholicism. Moskitia’s would-be leaders claim that their new country will be ethnically inclusive, but its political structures are to be based on Misktito traditions. Hector Williams, head of the movement, goes by the indigenous title of Wihta Tara, or Great Judge.  -from GeoCurrents
 
 By Sabrina Hernández

In the Sept. 15 issue of NotiCen we covered the land conflict in in the Río Coco Arriba sector of Nicaragua’s Región Autónoma de la Costa Caribe Norte (North Caribbean Coast Autonomous Region, RACCN). Here, the Miskito communities are trying to defend their lands from mestizo settlers from western Nicaragua who are pushing further and further into the region to exploit its valuable hardwoods, clear forest space for cattle ranching, and in some cases, even set up clandestine drug-trafficking outposts.

To put the conflict into perspective, it is useful to learn more about the history and evolution of the Miskito communities As a Latin American Studies graduate student, learning new things like this is, in a nut shell, why I am here. So, I did a little bit of digging and here is some of what I learned: Diverse Origins

While Spain was conquering most of the hemisphere in the 16th century, the eastern regions of both Honduras and Nicaragua remained untouched until the 17th century. Prior to contact, the region was inhabited by numerous small indigenous groups, but with the turn of the 16th century, the region saw increasing interaction with English, French, and Dutch buccaneers, traders, and settlers. In addition to English interactions, the coastal indigenous populations were receptive of African slaves who had either escaped or shipwrecked into the region. The culmination of these diverse interactions resulted in the Miskito Creole English that is spoken by some today in addition to a native Miskito language and Spanish spoken by smaller populations.

Involvement with the Contras 
In the 1980s, Miskito support was highly sought after by both the Sandinistas and the Nicaraguan government. At that time, the Miskitos has formed guerrilla forces that engaged in armed struggle against the government. In an attempt to sway the Miskito, the government passed a statute that gave autonomy to the Miskito in September 1987 which was effective in quelling Miskito resistance. A series of LADB articles in 1987 document the different strategies employed by both the Nicaraguan government and US government to attain control of the Miskitos.

Independence Movement 
Located on the eastern coast of both Honduras and Nicaragua, a drive to the Miskito coast takes about 20 hours in car from Managua. Driving to El Salvador or neighboring Costa Rica would be quicker than accessing the remotely located and sparsely populated Moskito Coast. It might seem like traveling to another country, in 2009, the Miskito announced their declaration of independence from Nicaragua. The Communitarian Nation of Moskitia, who no longer recognizes the authority of the Nicaraguan government, comes replete with their own flag, national anthem, a lawyer, and an extensive list of grievances. Separatist action was spurred by a combination of dissatisfaction with President Daniel Ortega - both as the leader of the Sandinista’s in the 1980’s and as sitting president of Nicaragua - and exploitation of raw material in their jungle territory. The Nicaraguan government has given the Miskitos a degree of autonomy but has not recognized the Miskito communities as a separate nation.

Environmental and Health Concerns 
In a region that experienced upwards of 80% unemployment in 2009, lobster diving serves as an industry that offers employment and a means of survival for many Miskito along the Atlantic coast. However, commercial diving in and of itself is controversial not just because of the dangers of over hunting the lobster population, but the dangers inherent in diving itself. Hundreds of Miskito divers have died and an estimated half of the Miskito population live with injuries, including paralysis, from decompression sickness, a condition created by ascending too rapidly back to the water’s surface.

To highlight this dangerous activity, a movie, "My Village, My Lobster," was made in 2013 to bring attention to a law passed by the Nicaraguan government that will ban commercial diving, which would bring dire economic consequences for the Miskito. "The bulk of the film examines the hard lives of Miskito divers who work on commercial boats, going out for 12-day stretches into deeper waters. The boats have been heading out farther and farther, meaning divers have to plunge deeper and deeper to pick up the clawless spiny lobsters from the bottom," said an article in National Geographic.
 


The 'White Lobster'
According to an article in Time magazine, dated April 14, 2011, life has improved for some members of the Miskito community with the arrival of the "white lobster" on the Mosquito Coast. "White lobsters — also known as bendiciones de Dios or godsends — are packages of cocaine and other drugs pitched overboard by narco-smugglers fleeing Nicaraguan Coast Guard patrols," said the Time article.  "With that valuable cargo, several tiny outposts on the country's Mosquito Coast have morphed into international logistics hubs for transnational drug shipments headed in every direction."

Friday, September 16, 2016

Will a Woman Be Elected to Fill These Shoes? (Of UN Secretary General)

Susana Malcorra (Photo: UN)
By Sabrina Hernández

With the end of Ban Ki-moon’s term drawing near, election of the ninth secretary-general is underway. The early candidates included two women from the Latin American and Caribbean group, Susana Malcorra of Argentina and Christiana Figueres of Costa Rica. See  our coverage in the LADB News Service. Figueres has since withdrawn from the race.

Malcorra is one of four women who remain in the running for the post. The others are Irina Bokova of Bulgaria, Helen Clark of New Zealand, and Natalia Gherman of Moldova. No woman has previously served as UN secretary-general.  An important factor in the decision is an unwritten rule of “regional rotation," which would give the upper hand to the Eastern European group as it is a region that has yet to see UN leadership. Gherman and Bokova would both fill the gender and regional roles.

Christiana Figueres (Photo: UN)
So what does the UN Secretary-General do? Well, per the United Nations, the Secretary-General is “equal parts diplomat and advocate, civil servant, and CEO, the Secretary-General is a symbol of United Nations ideals and a spokesman for the interests of the world’s people, in particular the poor and vulnerable among them.”

Yikes! Add to this whopper of a job description the 1 for 7 Billion campaign (referring to one candidate to represent 7 billion people), and the magnitude and weight of this position can begin to be fully understood. Though broadly defined and open to interpretation, it is clear that whoever is elected later this year will have to stand at the forefront and work to address a hefty load of issues that will necessitate strategic leadership, managerial know-how, and efficiently and effectively navigate a plethora of priorities established by the UN’s member states.

Javier Pérez de Cuéllar (Photo: UN)
The 'poet' secreatary-general
A member of the Latin American and Caribbean group has previously held the leadership of the UN, with Javier Pérez de Cuéllar of Peru serving as secretary-general from 1982 to 1991 by A trilingual poet and grandfather, many were uncertain that Pérez de Cuéllar possessed the firm hand believed necessary for the job, which is to serve an emphasis on “world hunger and disease, abuses of human rights, the scourge of war, and the ultimate threat of nuclear catastrophe,”

One of Pérez de Cuéllar's most notable contributions during his tenure was in his home region of Latin America. He personally  became involved in negotiations between the government and guerillas in El Salvador on a peace pact, which brought to an end 12 years of violent civil war in a time of chaos for the region. (Read our coverage in LADB).

 Because of his achievements, some have called Pérez de Cuéllar the "greatest:" secretary-general who has served in the post. However, the recognition was not enough to convince the people of Peru to vote him in as president in South American country's 1994 election

In Pérez de Cuéllar we see a model for what it means to be an effective and esteemed secretary-general. In trying to get a solid grip on this expansive and often vague job description, the next secretary-general should not forget the lessons of those who held the seat before but also bring a fresh perspective and ideas to the table. Four of the nine remaining candidates are women, potentially bringing a new perspective to the job.

Friday, September 2, 2016

Ni Una Menos Fights Violence against Women Throughout Latin America.

By Sabrina Hernández

Ni Una Menos, a civic movement calling attention to the high incidence of sexual violence and femicide, has gained traction in Peru, a country that ranks second in Latin America for the number of incidents of sexual violence with 10 femicides a month  Ni Una Menos organized a massive march on Aug, 13 to bring attention to the issue. (See Aug. 26 edition of NotiSur)

 An estimated 50,000 people showed up and footage of the demonstration in Lima can be seen here:



In Peru, several controversial rulings by judges in domestic violence cases served as the impetus for this call to action and effort to bring the matter of violence against women to the center of the national debate.

Impunity and violence against women is an issue that I tracked very closely during my years in California. I was still back home in the San Francisco Bay area, when a judge handed down an an appallingly paltry sentence to a Stanford University swimmer convicted of rape this past summer.

No matter what country, this is an issue that merits attention, and Ni Una Menos has managed to raise consciousness about the problem not only in Peru, but also throughout Latin America.  Here are synopses of how the organization and local activists have worked to address gender violence in various countries in the region.

Argentina  On June 3, 2015, a Ni Una Menos protest was held in the streets of Córdoba to demand an end to femicides and other types of violence against women. Thousandsof people took to the streets to demand an end to gender-related killings and relative impunity for the perpetrators of gender-related violence. This was only one of several protets in Argentina that year. According to The Huffington Postmore than 300,000 in Buenos Aires alone marched for Ni Una Menos, joining protestors in other cities. By some estimates, Argentina averages one femicide per 30 hours,  up from an estimated one death per 40 hours in 2008. But these are just estimates. One of the demands of protestors is that the government collect and release accurate statistics on femicide. Another focus of the protest is aimed at prevention; protestors interviewed made mention of the importance of educating men how to treat women.

Mexico  In July of 2015, Mexico held its own march against femicide and the violent killing of women and girls. The country, beleaguered by gender related violence, sees six women killed each day, which places it among the world’s worst countries for violence against women. The culmination of these coordinated protests has led the government to issue “gender alerts.” This alert, the government’s recognition of a serious and systemic problem, will signify that “urgent action” is necessary to prevent the killing of women and to work towards the resolution of the countless open and languishing investigations. As of July, 2016, the federal government has activated a gender alert in 33 municipalities in the states of Mexico, Morelos, and Michoacan. While women see the gender alerts as a step forward, they believe much more needs to be done in Mexico. On a Sunday in late April, of this year tens of thousands of women in 27 states marched through the streets of major Mexican cities to demand an end to domestic violence, harassment of women, and femicides. Organizers dubbed the campaign Primavera Violeta (Violet Spring), an effort to bring attention to the many ways in which women are accosted in Mexico. Read more in SourceMex, May 11, 2016

Bolivia  Activists have led protests to redress a staggeringly high incidence of gender related violence perpetuated by a patriarchal culture that views women as property of men. Bolivian government has taken a considerable action compared to other countries plagued with gender violence.  In 2013, Bolivia passed Law 348 which was designed to guarantee women a life free of violence and prevent partner violence and punish abusers. Recently formed within the Bolivian police is the Fuerza Especial de Lucha Contra La Violencia (FELCV) whose job is to prevent, investigate and combat violence against women and girls. While Bolivia is leading the way with good laws and legal framework, cultural mentalities lag behind and many women find that lack of services and societal pressure to remain quiet makes the process of reporting incidents to be stressful and life-threatening, according to the daily newspaper El Comercio.

Colombia  A new law on femicide was implemented on July 6, 2015. In Colombia, an average of one woman is killed every two days and protesters who gathered on Sept. 16, 2015r attribute that high number, in part, to Colombia’s macho culture and a lack of awareness among women about their rights. Experts now argue that the prosecutor’s office needs to change the way cases of femicide are identified and investigated in order for this new law to begin to chip away at the problem, according to Colombia Informa.

Brazil  With the Rio Olympics in full swing, protestors gathered to condemn the rampant sexual violence that plagues the country. In few other countries can the systemic and institutionalized nature of the problem be as outwardly visible. A high profile rape case involving the Party of Social Christians leader, Marcus Feliciano, serves to illustrate the true depth and extent of the problem in Brazil,  Ani Hao wrote in the online news site Broadly. This protest, in large part motivated by the sexual assault of four women in the Olympic Village, marks a year of intense activism against gender related violence and femicide. Brazil has been tail spinning into political, economic, and social crisis and June 1, 2016, marked the largest feminist mobilization in Brazil’s history in light of a gruesome sexual assault of an adolescent girl by at least 30 men, most of whom, have not been punished. In March 2015, Brazil finally codified a law against femicide, thanks in part to intense feminist activism.